By Ngaire Woods, Leonardo Martinez-Diaz
Networks are thriving in international politics. a few carry policy-makers from varied international locations jointly to percentage difficulties and to forge attainable options, unfastened from principles of illustration, decision-making, and transparency which constrain extra formal overseas businesses. This booklet asks even if constructing nations can make the most of such networks? Or are they more secure to behavior their diplomacy in formal associations? the reply varies. the foremost lies in how the community is based and what it units out to accomplish. This publication offers a desirable account of the way a few networks have reinforced the placement of constructing state officers, either at domestic, and of their foreign negotiations. both, it issues to stipulations which make it perilous for constructing international locations to depend upon networks.
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Additional resources for Networks of Influence?: Developing Countries in a Networked Global Order
Discussions are ﬂuid, prepared speeches discouraged, and all 7 In other organizations, whether universal, multilateral. or regional (such as the UN, the OECD, and the Caribbean Development Bank), it is common practice to have the ‘developing countries’, the G7, the NAFTA, or the OECD Caucuses. This is a generalized and wellregarded practice since there are speciﬁc interests/positions shared by a rather smaller group of countries where useful agreements take place prior to general meetings. This scheme can provide for easier consensus-building when the dynamics that arise due to the size of the group render the process of consensus-building at certain junctures more difﬁcult.
The creation of new forums was also encouraged. In the autumn of 1998, the G7 joined forces with Australia, Hong Kong, Singapore, the Netherlands, and a number of relevant international ﬁnancial institutions to establish the Financial Stability Forum (FSF). The objective of 20 The G20: A Practitioner’s Perspective the FSF was ‘enhancing the exchange of information, cooperation and ﬁnancial supervision and surveillance to promote international ﬁnancial stability, improve the functioning of markets and reduce systemic risk’.
Calls for IMF reform were a response to a series of long-standing criticisms concerning its legitimacy, effectiveness, and, ultimately, the relevance of the institution. The consensus reached at the IMF Annual Meetings held in Singapore—a consensus which brought together members accounting for more than 90 per cent of the voting power in the institution—was made possible by a previous agreement that took place at the G20. Indeed, the G20 played the leading role throughout this process by making room for diverging expectations and proposals and generating a solid agreement between developed, emerging, and developing countries.