By Michael Patrick Cullinane (auth.)
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Extra info for Liberty and American Anti-Imperialism: 1898–1909
23 On January 9, Hoar made the most passionate and uncharacteristically critical assault on his fellow Republicans. . 24 In other words, if the legislature could determine the form of American government, the United States could be a parliamentary democracy, or even a monarchy, should the ambiguous prerogative of sovereignty by legislation be permitted. Hoar’s point was that it is absurd to imagine Opposing the Treaty of Paris 39 the United States as anything other than a federal republic. This was his first step in proving a constitutional purpose exists.
Only the harbor and parts of the city of Manila on the island of Luzon were under formal American military jurisdiction. The rest of the city was partially occupied by the revolutionary army of Emilio Aguinaldo, which also controlled several provinces surrounding Manila. Along with the Filipino rebels, Spanish soldiers remained embedded in some parts of the islands. The remainder of the archipelago was autonomously ruled by local chiefs and sultans. So unlike the other territories, the Philippines was ruled and occupied by a variety of powers, all of which claimed jurisdiction, which often overlapped another party’s claim.
This pragmatic appeal for members strengthened the League’s numbers. Thousands of powerful elites around the nation flocked to join. It also created an association of strange bedfellows that would prove to be a weakness. The Committee further shaped the identity of the League by appointing handpicked members to the organization’s administrative structure. The president was the most significant post and would have effective control over the strategic decisions as well as the League’s finances. S.