By Christopher Hill
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Even supposing his acceptance is eclipsed via Rembrandt at the present time, Peter Paul Rubens used to be respected through his contemporaries because the maximum painter of his period, if no longer of all historical past. His indisputable creative genius, reinforced via a modest disposition and a name as a guy of tact and restraint, made him a favourite between monarchs and political leaders throughout Europe—and gave him the suitable hide for the clandestine actions that formed the panorama of seventeenth-century politics.
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Extra resources for Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century
Huntington, 2004). The book’s final chapter takes stock of the revival of the state as a site of agency by looking at the problem of responsibility in a wider frame. It considers whether foreign policy in modern conditions can deliver what is expected of it, whether by citizens, decision-makers or academics. It argues that meaningful and intentional actions are still possible under the heading of foreign policy so long as they are based on a good understanding of not just external constraints and the limits of unilateralism but also the various kinds of interpenetration to be found between structures at home and abroad.
Michael Leifer’s The Foreign Policy of Singapore: Coping with Vulnerability (2000) is an authoritative treatment of an ‘exceptional state’ whose external impact is disproportionate to its size. But cumulative work is all too rare. For a contrary view see Elman (1996). Even Henry Kissinger, in his most recent book, qualifies realism by making significant concessions to the role of ideas (2014). The concept of middle-range theory was introduced by Robert Merton (Reynolds, 1973). Further Reading There has been a welcome revival of writing about foreign policy and about foreign policy analysis in recent years, although some classic texts are still essential.
Where you sit, and who you are, really does influence what you see. The changing politics of foreign policy is not, however, only about perception. The United States has to cope with substantive limitations on its freedom of action, despite its triumph at the end of the Cold War. It is also as subject to decision-making pathologies, and to ends–means problems, as any other actor. What is more, the interpenetration of foreign with domestic politics is universal, and varies only in degree and form.