By Matthew C. Gutmann
So much stories on reproductive rights make girls their concentration, yet in solving males, Matthew Gutmann illuminates what males within the Mexican country of Oaxaca say and do approximately birth control, intercourse, and AIDS. in line with huge fieldwork, this step forward examine by way of a preeminent anthropologist of fellows and masculinities finds how those males and the ladies of their lives make judgements approximately contraception, how they focus on the plague of AIDS, and the contradictory therapeutic concepts biomedical and indigenous scientific practitioners hire for infertility, impotence, and infidelity. Gutmann talks with males in the course of and after their vasectomies and discovers why a few decide on sterilization whereas such a lot of others believe "planned out of kinfolk planning."
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Extra info for Fixing Men: Sex, Birth Control, and AIDS in Mexico
20 38 the missing gamete Further, who among men is demanding birth control for men? Internationally, the only coherent social movements among men that are identiﬁed with men-as-men are the multithreaded struggles for gay rights and freedoms. In particular countries, of course, there are organizations professing to advance the rights of men, like the right-wing Christian Promise Keepers in the United States. 21 Nor are men as a cohesive social force demanding more condoms and more vasectomies for the masses.
The shape of AIDS in Oaxaca is therefore different than in some other cities in Mexico, where self-identiﬁed homosexuales continue to be the main group of people with HIV. In Oaxaca in 2005 the largest group of people with AIDS was poor Indian men who had migrated to the United States. The second largest group was poor Indian women. 17 From 1991 to 1995, physical infrastructure was strengthened in poor rural areas; in Oaxaca, for example, hundreds of new clinics were built, including some in remote regions of the state, although, to be sure, many of these facilities were not well staffed.
Class and ethnic divisions are rampant and blatant in Oaxaca, and I was very concerned that social stratiﬁcation would impede my ability to gain the trust and friendship of people who I perceived to be from very different cultural and economic backgrounds than my own. Yet when I raised this with anthropologist friends early in my ﬁeldwork, I was surprised that no one shared my anxieties. Yes, I was distinct from most people in Oaxaca by virtue of class, education, ethnicity, national origin, and many other visual and implicit characteristics.