By Steven Seidman (Editor), Jeffery C. Alexander (Editor) Steven Seidman
Steven Seidman examines the consequences for social conception and sexual politics of taking distinction heavily. He explores the worries distinction could make for the social sciences and for the very people--feminists, queer theorists, postmodernists--who champion distinction. it is a wide-ranging and complicated dialogue of up to date social idea and sexual politics, targeting distinction, wisdom and gear. It additionally argues persuasively for a realistic method of questions of distinction in conception and politics.
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Additional info for Difference Troubles: Queering Social Theory and Sexual Politics
Du Bois, the radical cultural criticism of Max Eastman or Randolph Bourne, the critical social theory of Thorstein Veblen or Lewis Mumford or the public social thought of Walter Lippmann and John Dewey). Whereas the fate of nonscientific discourses of nature, for example, Native American traditions, folk philosophies, and romantic and The political unconscious of the human sciences 31 idealist views of nature, was to experience virtual erasure in the face of the colonizing power of the natural sciences, the same has not been true of the human studies.
Lukacs, Gramsci, Korsch, the Frankfurt School, the Praxis School, Sartre's existential marxism, and phenomenological marxism). Many marxist intellectuals were either nonacademics or if professors their ideas were interdisciplinary and addressed to a nonacademic public of party ideologues, cultural elites, activists, and public intellectuals. Feminism is perhaps an even more compelling case than marxism in the United States, of a public social discourse critical of a scientific human studies that occupies a space both within and outside the academy.
Thus, the scientistic model of (say) logical positivism evolved via the critiques of Wittgenstein, Quine, and others into a "political" paradigm of science in Kuhn and Feyerabend. The Mertonian sociology of science, which approached science as both social and transcendent, has, in one line of development, given way to Latour's (1986) thoroughly Foucauldian framing of science as power. The historicist model has fared no better. Whereas marxism exposes the particularism of class interest in the universalistic knowledges of the bourgeois, anti- and post-marxists have uncovered the decidely local conceptual and interest structure of marxism.